The study of inscriptions engraved on stone or metal in Greek letters. Coin-legends (see coinage, greek) are for the numismatist, whereas painted mummy-labels and ink-written texts on ostraca, especially popular in Egypt, are the realm of the papyrologist; inscriptions painted or incised on vases and pottery (see pottery (greek), inscriptions on) are the combined prey of vase-experts and epigraphists.1 (Superscript figures refer to the bibliographical notes at the end of the article.) Interest in inscriptions is not a modern phenomenon; already in antiquity people studied specific inscriptions. In the early 3rd cent. bce Craterus (2) published a collection of decrees (Ψηφισμάτων συναγωγή); a hundred years later Polemon (3) of Ilium received the nickname στηλοκόπας (‘tablet-glutton’) for his fanatical attention to inscriptions. With the Renaissance, interest in antiquities went hand in hand with admiration for the ancient literary inheritance. With Cyriacus of Ancona there began a long series of travelling scholars, who in their notebooks produced beautiful descriptions and drawings of ancient sites and the inscriptions on them. Initially, inscriptions tended to be disregarded or even despised by the champions of the revered literary sources; but when the latter came under the attack of Cartesian rationalism and Pyrrhonian scepticism, epigraphical shares increased in value on the historical stock exchange:2 inscriptions were authentic and direct and could not be disqualified as forgeries or highly biased accounts. Since then, inscriptions have increasingly become part of the standard menu of scholars interested in any aspect of Greek civilization and society, though due largely to the somewhat chaotic organization of epigraphic publications (which means that the material is often less than perfectly accessible) that same menu could do with a somewhat higher shot of epigraphical calcium.
In two respects epigraphy is an auxiliary science: there is a rather complicated and occasionally even abstruse, technical aspect, as well as an organizational aspect, already briefly alluded to above. Once these aspects are under control, epigraphy is just one of the disciplines which together claim to study Graeco-Roman society and civilization, and nearly always it is the problem and/or the region which decide whether or not inscriptions play an auxiliary role in relation to the literary sources.
The technical part of our discussion begins with finding inscriptions: excavations and Forschungsreise (research-motivated travel) are the two main sources. Modern construction-work hitting on ancient substructures, the demolition of an old house, a peasant ploughing his land: these all can often produce inscriptions which the modern traveller may (or may not) be lucky enough to find on his path. Some finds may get to the local museums;3 others find their way illegally to the European and American antiquities market; still more end up as building material in new peasant dwellings or are simply smashed up. Systematic excavations of urban centres and temple complexes yield(ed) large numbers of texts: Delphi, Delos, the Athenian agora (see athens, topography), Olympia, Thasos, Ephesus, Priene, Pergamum, Miletus, Claros and Aphrodisias are just a few random examples of sites which were highly productive. The territory of Turkey yields exceptionally much new material, through excavations and Forschungsreise. Once an inscription has been found, the next stage is that of cleaning and deciphering it. The human eye may be helped by a photo4 or a paper or latex squeeze. Inscriptions are engraved in uninterrupted lines of capitals; punctuation is virtually non-existent, though in Roman times dots are occasionally used to separate words, but never systematically. The Greeks began to write in the early Archaic period (8th/7th cent. bce): initially brief texts on ceramics and on stone, betraying the Semitic origin of the script: simple names, tombstones, dedications, signatures of manufacturers, abecedaria. Some scholars argue that these short texts were abridged versions of longer ones and thus presuppose the existence of longer hexametric poetry; others, with greater common sense and less uncontrolled fantasy, deny any literary pretension. Where and when exactly the borrowing from the Semites took place is still one of the most hotly debated questions among specialists. It probably happened in a north-west Semitic setting shortly after 800 bce.5 In the course of a long process of borrowing and adaptation, the Greek communities all developed their own peculiar set of letters: it is the period of The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, to quote the title of L. H. Jeffery's standard work on the subject.6 The so-called boustrophedon style, in which lines, like ploughing oxen, move from right to left, from left to right, and so on until the end, is an adaptation of the Semitic habit of writing from right to left. In due course a sort of general koinē-alphabet (see koine; alphabet) came into existence, whose letter-forms, needless to say, slowly evolved between the Classical and the Roman imperial period. For decipherment a clear eye and knowledge of the Greek capital script as given in any grammar for beginners will suffice; for further judgement on the style of lettering and the ensuing date of the text, certain general principles have to be applied in combination with the most intricate technical expertise. As to the former, one may point, for example, to the pi with two equal hastae (Π), following upon the Classical and followed by the early Hellenistic pi with two unequal hastae (Г), the alpha with broken cross-bar (⎕) versus the classical Α, and the habit of adorning the ends of letters first with slight thickening and later on with heavy horizontal and vertical strokes (apices)—the more apices and the thicker, the later the text. As to technical expertise, in recent years fundamental research has begun on the existence of so-called cutters' hands:7 on the basis of a reasonable corpus of texts from one city or temple and an equally reasonable number of internally dated specimens within that corpus, close study of the lettering leads to the discovery of hands of cutters. Here enormous potential for new research opens up: an area where true scholarly devotion and a sharp, unbiased eye are more in demand than the passion of a historian. So far S. V. Tracy's work has resulted in a firm reshuffling of dates of important and long-known texts.8 The search for cutters' workshops is paralleled by a search, especially in Asia Minor,9 for workshops which produce funerary reliefs, inscribed or otherwise. Here the focus is iconographical but heavily indebted to epigraphically dated specimens. Cutters' hands become stone-carvers' hands here. One is reminded of a similar development in the realm of painters' workshops in early modern Europe. The great individual artist recedes in favour of a group of masters and apprentices united in several workshops.
Inscriptions often come to us in a mutilated form: either the format of the entire text is preserved but the wear and tear of time has obscured various letters of lines; or part of the stone is missing. In both cases the noble art of restoring illegible passages or half-preserved lines has to be applied. Restorations can be offered only on the basis of parallels. One must be able to recognize certain key terms or expressions which are characteristic of a specific category of texts (e.g. a dedication, an honorary decree for a specific category of people). After having collected a fair sample of unrestored parallel-texts one might be able to offer some suggestions. In other words, restoration of mutilated inscriptions enlarges our dossier of related texts; it does not enlarge our knowledge of ancient phenomena. The great masters of Greek epigraphy—M. Holleaux, A. Wilhelm and L. Robert10—have, in their innumerable articles, shaped this ars restaurandi.11 Finally, the interpretation of the deciphered and, if possible, restored text must be attempted, i.e. the application of up-to-date knowledge of the larger context of our text. This presupposes a detailed knowledge of the main categories of inscriptions and their local varieties (epitaphs, epigrams, dedications, decrees, royal/imperial letters) and a decent command of what is already known from other sources about specific persons or topics recorded in our text.
The organization of Greek epigraphy is complex and still rather unsatisfactory: apart from isolated attempts at collection in the early modern period, it was under the auspices of the Academy in Berlin that the first efforts were made to present Greek inscriptions systematically. Between 1828 and 1877 A. Boeckh, J. Franz, E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff published the four big volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (CIG), which covered the entire ancient world. The texts were arranged geographically and within each area according to broad general categories: public inscriptions (viz. decrees, catalogues, lists), dedications, and epitaphs; vol. 4 contained the incerta, Jewish and Christian texts and the ‘small fry’ on instrumenta domestica (pots, pans, perfume-bottles etc.). Comments were in Latin, and majuscle copies of all texts were added to the transcriptions in ordinary Greek. The age of photography was still to come. Elaborate indices facilitated historical research. CIG did not escape the fate of all corpora planned over a long period: by the time of its completion it was no longer the complete collection of known Greek texts. A never-ending flow of casual new finds and of impressive excavations (e.g. at Olympia, Delphi, Epidaurus and Priene) produced inscriptions which remained outside CIG. CIG remains the only corpus aiming at coverage of the entire Greek-speaking ancient world; after 1877 fragmentation was the rule.
In 1903, on the initiative of U. von Wilamowitz Moellendorff, the Berlin Academy launched a new, and geographically much more limited, corpus: Inscriptiones Graecae (IG), which focused on Greece (including the areas on the west and north coasts of the Black Sea (see euxine)) and the Aegean islands (with Crete and Cyprus). Fifteen volumes were planned; some never appeared; those that did suffered from the same tragic deficiency as noted above for CIG. After the Second World War the rhythm of publication slowed down considerably. It was not until 1972 that there appeared a fascicle of IG X (Macedonia), devoted to the inscriptions from Thessalonica, followed in 1999 by a first volume on the inscriptions from northern Macedonia. In 1981, 1993 and 1998 there appeared three volumes of a third edition of IG 1: an attempt to bring up to date the collection of Archaic and Classical decrees and lists of magistrates from Athens/Attica up to c.400 bce; in 2000 a first volume on the inscriptions from Samos appeared (IG XII 6 1), followed in 2007 by IG IV2 2 on the inscriptions from Aigina and IG XII. 4.1 (Kos) in 2010. A volume for Chios is in preparation. In spite of the acceleration in publications during the last two decades, the problem remains that the IG enterprise is overtaken by all sorts of local initiatives. In the mean time ‘national’ corpora were published by organizations in countries which had engaged on important excavations abroad, or which assumed responsibility for the inscriptions found within their borders. The French school at Athens, responsible for the excavations at Delphi, published in Fouilles de Delphes 3 a volume specially devoted to the inscriptions from Delphi; in 1977 the first volume of an official Corpus des Inscriptions de Delphes (CID II) was launched, followed in 2002 by CID IV. It seems doubtful whether IG 8, planned to cover Delphi, will ever appear. A similar story can be told for Crete, where the Italians published Inscriptiones Creticae in four volumes, so that IG 13 will probably remain no more than a mere number. Bulgarian, Romanian, and Russian academies or institutes started their own national corpora: Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae, Inscriptiones Scythiae Minories in Romania; the Russians after their early IOSPE volumes12 continued with Corpus Inscriptionum regni Bosporani (1965). Greek scholars from the Athens Centre de Recherches de l'Antiquité grecque et romaine, under the direction of M. B. Hatzopoulos, are busy preparing a corpus of inscriptions from Macedonia and Thrace. Preparatory results appear in the Centre's series Meletemata. In addition A. Rizakis and G. Touratsoglou have independently published the first volume of inscriptions of Upper Macedonia, followed by the first volume of the Inscriptions of Lower Macedonia and a volume on part of Aegean Thrace.13
As the above survey suggests, for the Greek Orient (i.e. Turkey, the Levant, Egypt and Cyrenaica (see cyrene; pentapolis)) the situation is disastrous: CIG is still the only basic corpus! Attempts to provide complete corpora for specific regions are rare. T(ituli) A(siae) M(inoris)—a project of the Vienna Academy aiming to cover the whole of Asia Minor—has so far published volumes on parts of Lycia, Pisidia and Bithynia, and on Lydia only; only the latter area has been fully covered so far.14 The ten volumes of Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiquae are not corpora but ‘rapports d'exploration’ for parts of Phrygia, Lycaonia, Caria, and Cilicia.15 In the meantime corpora of a large number of important and epigraphically rich cities have appeared in the impressive series of Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien (1972–2010).16 It is doubtful whether in future it will be worth making comprehensive regional corpora including these cities; what remains as suitable subject-matter for corpora are the areas not included in these cities. In the Levant the French series of Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (1929–2008) proceeds slowly but steadily.17
For those who want to have a collection of texts as complete as possible for a specific area or city, there are two indispensable ‘instruments de travail’ which enable scholars to fill up the gap in the existing corpora. The first is the Bulletin Épigraphique (BE), an annual survey in the Revue des Études grecques since 1888, and from 1938 to 1984 written by J. and L. Robert.18 Following a series of specific rubrics (corpus; alphabet; institutions; to name just a few) the epigraphical harvest of a year is presented geographically. The material is briefly discussed; some important words or phrases may be quoted from new texts, but the texts are not presented in toto. The basic corpus available for a certain region can be relatively simply updated by going through that region in BE. Separate indexes for 1938–77 and 1987–2001 (‘mots grecs’; ‘mots français’; a concordance of publications) enormously facilitate the use of this stupendous mass of material,; though the indexes by definition only record the words and phenomena which the Roberts saw fit to mention in their summaries.19 From 1987 onwards a team under the direction of P. Gauthier, C. Brixhe and L. Dubois has continued the BE on the same principles, though perhaps with a less convenient arrangement and with slightly less complete coverage.
Secondly, there is Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (SEG), founded in 1923 by J. J. E. Hondius (vols. 1–10), taken over by A. G. Woodhead in 1951 (vols. 11–25), and continued by H. W. Pleket, R. S. Stroud and A. Chaniotis from 1978 (vols. 26 ff.; vol. 56 appeared in 2010). Up to vol. 20 the number of regions represented in each volume varies; but in the end these twenty volumes together offer fair coverage of all the regions of CIG. Vol. 21 is solely dedicated to Attica; vols. 22–5 offer coverage of a limited number of areas up to the year 1969 only. SEG presents the complete texts of all new finds, with app. crit. and brief explanatory remarks, but without translation. Between the appearance of vol. 25 (1971) and vol. 26 (1979) there is a gap. Vol. 25 includes material up to 1969, whereas vol. 26 covers the harvest of 1976. With Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum redivivum the language changed from Latin to English; the principle remains the same: the presentation of all new texts of a given year, of all new readings and restorations suggested for known texts in that same year, and bibliographical summaries of such articles and books as are heavily concerned with epigraphical material. In addition to the traditional indexes of SEG 1–25 (proper names; names of kings and Roman emperors; geographical names, religious words, including names of months), new ones were devised, comprising military terms, important Greek words (a new version of the old CIG-rubric verba notabilia) and selected topics. Elaborate concordances at the end of each volume enable scholars quickly to update the status quaestionis of an inscription. A consolidated index, with concordance, has been published for vols. 26–435.20 All in all SEG 26–56 may be said to cover all the relevant material from 1976 (vol. 26) up to 2006 (vol. 56). For the ‘gap’ the BE is the sole remedy. In the future, electronic media, above all CD-Rom, will undoubtedly join BE and SEG for the dissemination of all new evidence; whether these media in the long run will oust the printed material remains to be seen. So far various initiatives have been undertaken in isolation and without much visible impact on historico-epigraphical scholarship.21
All the corpora and auxiliary instruments are arranged geographically and within each region according to broad categories of inscriptions: public inscriptions (decrees, catalogues, honorary inscriptions, edicts, and letters), dedications, and the ubiquitous epitaphs. For thematic studies other than regional or urban history, such an arrangement is hardly productive. Thematic corpora do exist but they do not abound. ‘Thematic’ means collections not only of Jewish22 and Christian23 inscriptions but above all of texts all pertaining to one smaller or larger historical theme. F. Sokolowski's collection of sacred laws is a case in point: taken together these texts provide magnificent insights into the workings of sanctuaries—their financial operations, the functions and emoluments of priests and other sacred officials, and the prescribed behaviour of the worshippers both in and outside the temple.24 Robert's corpus of gladiator-inscriptions, by now heavily out of date but easily updated by going through the rubric ‘gladiateurs’ in BE and ‘gladiators’ in SEG, is another relevant example: by their mere numbers and distribution over time and space, these texts provide the fundamental material for a chapter in the social and cultural history of the Greek cities of the empire, which became wildly enthusiastic about these bloodiest of games.25
The content of inscriptions is extremely variable. L. Robert's dictum, that in almost every inscription there is history,26 is somewhat exaggerated. Thousands of small epitaphs contain nothing more than a few names; and most names are common and trite. The method of the ‘mise en série’ is necessary if one's aims are general description and theory-building. Funerary epigrams and epitaphs with curse- and fine-formulas, when collected and studied as a group, provide valuable insights into views on after-life, popular ethics, and the degree of monetarization of urban and rural areas.27 Confrontation with the literary sources enables us to identify possibly eccentric views of literary authors. Dedications (the second largest category), temple laws, oracles, prayers, and regulations concerning religious and agonistic festivals (the latter always having a religious component) offer us a wealth of detailed knowledge about the Greek religious mentality, the organization and function of cults, the status of priests and, in general, the place of religion in civic life. Confession inscriptions, typical of Lydia/Phrygia in Asia Minor, inform us about ancient ideas about sin and the types of human behaviour eliciting divine punishment (often in the form of disease), and ultimately leading to confession of guilt and the erection of a stele (stēlographia).28
Outstanding documents, of course, get most publicity and tend to monopolize the attention of the non-initiated. The Attic tribute quota-lists (see tribute lists), the Gortyn law code, the official autobiography of Augustus in the bilingual Res gestae, the recent customs law from Ephesus (see portoria), a large dossier of texts concerning Antiochus (3) III and the city of Teos, two spectacular long honorary decrees for local politicians and benefactors from Claros, the very detailed gymnasium law from Macedonian Beroea (see gymnasiarch; education, greek), the philosophical ‘catechism’ of Epicureanism (see epicurus) by Diogenes (5) of Oenoanda, Diocletian's bilingual Price Edict, the dossier concerning the foundation and financing of the Demostheneia in Oenoanda and the preceding negotiations between the founder (C. Iulius Demosthenes) and the local council and assembly, and the three spectacular letters of Hadrian to the ecumenical association of actors, with detailed information about the agonistic calendar and about the organization of contests (applies also to athletes):29 all those texts provide unique information either on periods and topics for which literary sources are not abundant, or for more obscure regions for which inscriptions are often the only source, given the fact that nearly all local historiography is lost.
But it is through the ‘mise en série’ of the smaller texts on a large variety of themes that epigraphy sheds most light on subjects for which the literary sources often provide no more than a general framework. This is true for subjects as unrelated to each other as the thousands of amphora stamps,30 which are highly relevant for the organization of amphora production, the involvement of the city, and the vicissitudes of export of oil and wine; the hundreds of artists' signatures (sculptors, vase-painters, with recent emphasis on workshops rather than on one outstanding artist);31 manumission records (especially those from Delphi and Buthrotum);32 texts concerning associations (see clubs), professional, cultic and otherwise33 (highly relevant for the vexed question of whether or not there were ‘guilds’ in ancient cities and, if so, what was their nature); texts about schools and gymnasia34 and thus the education of Greek youngsters, with its strong emphasis on physical exercise; and texts illuminating the enormous circuit of agonistic festivals, athletic and musical, and the rise of the professional athlete, his social background and mentality (see agōnes; athletics).35
Inscriptions were ubiquitous in ancient cities: in the agora, in sanctuaries and in cemeteries. They were so numerous—and sometimes painted in colours!—that L. Robert once wrote about the Graeco-Roman world as ‘a civilization of epigraphy’. In recent times there has been lively study of the relation between the omnipresence of inscribed stones (plus graffiti) and literacy;36 in addition attention has been drawn to the symbolic value of inscriptions, often so long and occasionally put up so high on a wall that nobody actually could, or probably wanted to, read them. Studies of ‘the epigraphic habit’ and the reasons for both the growth and decline of inscribed stones under the empire will undoubtedly shed further light on the formation of the political culture and mentality of the Roman imperial period.37
Inscriptions function as a sort of ‘archive’ for the historian. They are not archival documents. In fact they are a selection of the papyrus documents stored in city archives. It is in the Hellenistic-Roman period that city archives became important: not only public documents but also private records were stored (and thereby ratified) in archives.38 A stock phrase in epitaphs mentioning a monetary fine for offenders is that a copy of the text is kept in the archive of the city. Not all texts stored in archives were inscribed on stone; nor did all the inscribed ones survive the wear and tear of time.39 So all in all, surviving inscriptions have undergone a double process of selection; through their mere number and the enormous variety in their subject-matter, for the ancient historian they are the equivalent of the more systematically preserved paper archives studied by the medievalist and the early modern historian.
(1.) For an introduction cf. A. G. Woodhead, The Study of Greek Inscriptions (1987); G. Petzl, in H. G. Nesselrath, Einleitung in die griechische Philologie (1997), 72–83; J. Bodel (ed.), Epigraphic Evidence. Ancient history from inscriptions (2001); B. H. McLean, An introduction to Greek epigraphy of the Hellenistic and Roman periods from Alexander the Great down to the reign of Constantine (323 bce–ce 337) (2002); J.-M. Lasserre, Manuel d'épigraphie romaine, 2nd edn. (2007); G. Klaffenbach, Griechische Epigraphik, 2nd edn. (1966); L. Robert, in L'Histoire et ses méthodes (Encyclopédie de la Pléiade) (1961), 453–497 (Ger. trans. by H. Engelmann, Die Epigraphik der klassischen Welt ); B. F. Cook, Greek inscriptions (1987). Cf. also F. Bérard, D. Feissel, P. Petitmengin, and M. Sève, Guide de l'épigraphiste: Bibliographie choisie des épigraphies antiques et médievales, 3rd edn. (Paris: Éditions Rue d'Ulm, 2000), 19–20.
(2.) E. W. Bodnar, Cyriacus of Ancona and Athens (1960); H. J. Erasmus, The Origin of Rome in Historiography from Petrarch to Perizonius (1962), 67 ff. (for Pyrrhonism and Descartes); A. D. Momigliano, ‘Ancient history and the antiquarian’, in Studies in Historiography (1966), 1 ff.
(3.) For museum collections cf. The Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum 1–4 (1874–1916); L. Robert, Collection Froehner 1: Inscriptions grecques (1936); E. Breccia, Iscrizioni greche e latine (Alexandria Museum) (1911); J. G. Milne, Greek inscriptions (Cairo Museum) (1905); A. Dain, Inscriptions grecques du Musée du Louvre: Les Textes inédits (1933); H. W. Pleket, The Greek Inscriptions in the ‘Rijksmuseum van Oudheden’ at Leyden (1958); H. Malay, Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa Museum (Denkschr. Österr. Akad. wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. 237 (1994); cf. Guide de l'épigraphiste 128–129.
(4.) For photographs cf. H. Roehl, Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae (1882); H. Roehl, Imagines inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae, 3rd edn. (1907); O. Kern, Inscriptiones Graecae (1913); J. Kirchner, Imagines inscr. Atticarum, 2nd edn. (1948).
(5.) For the nature of Archaic inscriptions and the problem of Semitic origin cf. Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum (1923– ), 39. 1764; more in general, cf. the rubric ‘Alphabet’ in the Varia-section of Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum volumes.
(6.) L. H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, 2nd edn. (1990), with a detailed Suppl. by A. W. Johnston, 423–481.
(7.) S. V. Tracy, Attic Letter-cutters of 229–86 BC (1990); cf. Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum 40. 295.
(8.) S. V. Tracy, Chiron: Mitteilungen der Kommission für alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 1990, 59–96 (on inscriptions from Samos).
(9.) M. Cremer, Hellenistisch-römische Grabstelen im nordwestlichen Kleinasien 1 (Mysia) and 2 (Bithynia) (1991–1992). For workshops in Phrygia cf. Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum 40. 1186 and T. Lochmann, Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 1991, 17–21; for workshops of Rhodian sculptors cf. V. C. Goodlett, American Journal of Archaeology 1991, 669–681.
(10.) M. Holleaux, Études d'épigraphie et d'histoire grecques 1–4 (1938–1968); A. Wilhelm, Kl. Schr. 1–2 (1974–84); cf. Guide de l'épigraphiste 281; L. Robert, Opera Minora Selecta 1–7 (1969–1990); for Robert's entire œuvrecf. Guide de l'épigraphiste, Index des auteurs, entry under Robert, Louis.
(11.) A handsome, short introduction for editors of inscriptions is S. Dow, Conventions in Editing (1969).
(12.) B. Latyshev, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae 12, 2, 4 (1885–1916).
(13.) So far 62 volumes have appeared in the Meletemata series (1985–2008); A. Rizakis and G. Touratsoglou, Ἐπιγραφὲς Ἄνω Μακεδονίας (1985); L. Gounaropoulou and M. B. Hatzopoulos, Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας, vol. 1: Ἐπιγραφὲς Βεροίας (1998); L. D. Loukopoulou and others, Ἐπιγραφὲς τῆς Θράκης τοῦ Αἰγαίου (2005). For an exhaustive list, with full titles, of all the volumes of CIG, Inscriptiones Graecae, the various national corpora, and sundry smaller additions to specific areas cf. Guide de l'épigraphiste 33–74. J. J. F. Hondius, Saxa Loquuntur (1938).
(14.) Tituli Asiae Minoris 1–3 (E. Kalinka and R. Heberdey: Lycia, Pisidia, 1901–1941); 4. 1 (F. K. Dörner: Nicomedia and the Bithynian peninsula, (1978); 5. 1–2 (P. Herrmann: NE and NW Lydia, 1981–9); and 5.3 (G. Petzl: Philadelpheia, 2007).
(15.) Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiquae 1–10 (1928–1993).
(16.) IK. So far 51 cities have been covered, some in more than one vol.
(17.) So far appeared IGLS 1–2, 3. 1, 3. 2, and 4–5 (by L. Jalabert and R. Mouterde); 6–7 (by J.-P. Rey-Coquais); 8. 3 (by J. F. Breton); 11 (Mount Hermon, by J. Aliquot); 13. 1 (Bostra, by M. Sartre); and 21 (Inscriptions de la Jordanie 2, by P.-L. Gatier and 4, by M. Sartre).
(18.) The Bulletins of 1939–1984 have been published together in ten volumes (1972–1987).
(19.) Index du Bulletin Épigraphique (1938–65), pt. 1: Les mots grecs, pt. 2: Les publications, pt. 3: Les mots français (L'Institut Fernand Courby, 1972–1975). See also J. Marcillet-Jaubert and A.-M. Vérilhac, Index du Bulletin Épigraphique (1966–73) (1979); J. Marcillet-Jaubert and A.-M. Vérilhac, Index du Bulletin Épigraphique (1974–77) (1983); S. Aneziri, N. Giannakopoulos and P. Paschidis, Index du Bulletin Épigraphique (1987–2001), pt. 1: Les publications, pt. 2: Les Mots grecs, pt. 3: Les mots français (2005). Indexes for BE (1978–1986) are in preparation).
(20.) H. Roozenbeek, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum: Consolidated Index for volumes 26–35 ( = 1976–1985) (1990). J. H. M. Strubbe, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum: Consolidated Index for volumes 36–45 (1986–1995) (1999).
(21.) Cf. Actes du colloque ‘Épigraphie et Informatique, 26–27 Mai 1989, Lausanne’ (1989), for a survey of current computerized programmes.
(22.) J. B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, 2 vols. (1936–1952); P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs (1991); J. W. van Henten and P. W. van der Horst, Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy (1994); W. Horbury and D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (with an Index of the Jewish Inscriptions of Egypt and Cyrenaica) (1992); D. Noy, Jewish inscriptions of Western Europe, 2 vols. (1993–1995); G. Lüderitz, Corpus jüdischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika (1983); D. Noy and W. Ameling, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis I-III (2004); B. Lifshitz, Donateurs et fondateurs dans les synagogues grecques: Répertoire des dédicaces grecques relatives à la construction et à la réfection des synagogues (1967). Consultation of the rubric ‘inscriptions gréco-juives’ in the BE provides a quick update.
(23.) H. Grégoire, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d'Asie Mineure (1922); E. Gibson, The ‘Christians for Christians’ inscriptions of Phrygia (1978); G. Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d'Égypte (1907); N. A. Bees, Corpus der griechisch-christlichen Inschriften von Hellas 1. 1 (1941); A. C. Bandy, The Greek Christian inscriptions of Crete (1970); V. Besevliev, Spätgriechische und spätlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien (1964); S. L. Agnello, Silloge di iscrizioni paleocristiane della Sicilia (1953); E. Popescu, Inscripţiile grece şi latine din secolele IV–XIII discoperite în România (1976); D. Feissel, Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du IIIe au VIe siècle, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Suppl. 8 (1983); C. Wessel, Inscriptiones Graecae Christianae Veteres Occidentis (1989); for a quick update cf. the rubric ‘Inscriptions chrétiennes et byzantines’ in the BE.
(24.) F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées de l'Asie Mineure (1955); F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées des cités grecques (1969); Lois sacrées des cités grecques: Supplément (1962); E. Lupu, Greek Sacred Law (2005).
(25.) L. Robert, Les Gladiateurs dans l'Orient grec (1940). Other thematic corpora include: F. G. Maier, Griechische Mauerbauinschriften, 2 vols. (1959–1960); A.-M. Vérilhac, Παῖδες ἄωροι: Poésie funéraire, 2 vols. (1978–1982); A. Audollent, Defixionum Tabellae (1904); J. Tremmel, Magica Agonistica. Fluchtafeln im antiken Sport (2004); E. Samama, Les médecins dans le monde grec (2003).
(26.) L. Robert, Opera Minora Selecta 6 (1989), 591 n. 5.
(27.) On curses cf. J. H. M. Strubbe, Ἀραὶ ἐπιτύμβιοι. Imprecations against desecrators of the grave in the Greek epitaphs of Asia Minor (1997). For funerary epigrams cf. W. Peek, Griechische Versinschriften (1955); R. Merkelbach and J. Stauber, in C. Faraone and D. Obbink (eds.), Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (1991), 33–59. Cf. also his article on curses in Jewish epitaphs in J. W. van Henten and P. W. van der Horst, Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy (1994), 70–127.
(28.) G. Petzl, Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens (1994).
(29.) B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, and M. F. McGregor, The Athenian Tribute Lists (The Athenian Tribute Lists) 1–4 (1939–1953); B. D. Meritt and A. B. West, The Athenian Assessment of 425 BC (1934); R. F. Willetts, The Law Code of Gortyn (1967); E. G. Hardy, The Monumentum Ancyranum (1923). For the Ephesian customs law cf. Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum 39 (1992), 1180; M. Cottier and others (eds.), The Customs Law of Asia (2008). For Antiochus III and Teos cf. Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum 41 (1994), ‘Teos;’ J. and L. Robert, Claros 1: Décrets hellénistiques (1989). Cf. Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum 39. 1243–1244); P. Gauthier and M. B. Hatzopoulos, La loi gymnasiarchique de Beroia (1993); Diogenes-inscription: ed. M. F. Smith (1993), with comm. and trans.; S. Lauffer, Diokletians Preisedikt (1971); M. Wörrle, Stadt und Fest im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien: Studien zu einer agonistischen Stiftung aus Oinoanda (1988); G. Petzl and E. Schwertheim, Hadrian und die dionysischen Künstler (2006).
(30.) J.-Y. Empereur and Y. Garlan (eds.), Recherches sur les amphores grecques. Actes du Coll. internationale, Athènes 10–12 Septembre 1984, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Suppl. 13 (1986). Cf. also J.-Y. Empereur and Y. Garlan, ‘Bulletin archéologique: Amphores et timbres amphoriques’, Revue des études grecques 1987, 58–109.
(31.) J. Marcadé, Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs (1953); D. Viviers, Recherches sur les ateliers de sculpteurs et la cité d'Athènes à l'époque archaïque: Endoios, Philergos, Aristoclès (Acad. Royale de Belgique, Cl. des Beaux-Arts; (1992).
(32.) K. Hopkins, ‘Between Slavery and Freedom: On Freeing Slaves at Delphi’, in Conquerors and Slaves (1978); P. Cabanes, ‘Les Inscriptions du théâtre de Bouthrôtos’, in Actes Colloque 1972 sur l'esclavage (1974), 105–209.
(33.) J. P. Waltzing, Étude historique sur les corporations professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origines jusqu'à la chute de l'empire occident 3: Recueil des inscriptions (1899); F. Poland, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens (1909); O. M. van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East (1997).
(34.) M. P. Nilsson, Die Hellenistische Schule (1955); C. Pélékidis, Histoire de l'éphébie attique des origines à 31 avant J.-C. (1962); D. Kah and P. Scholz (eds.), Das hellenistische Gymnasion (2004).
(35.) For Greek agonistic inscriptions cf. L. Moretti, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche (1953).
(36.) W. V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (1989); J. H. Humphrey (ed.), Literacy in the Roman world, Journal of Roman Archaeology Suppl. 3 (1991).
(37.) Z. Newby and R. Leader-Newby (eds.), Art and Inscriptions in the Ancient World (2007); R. MacMullen, ‘The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire’, American Journal of Philology 1982, 233–246.
(38.) For the increasing importance of city archives in the Hellenistic period cf. M. Wörrle, Chiron: Mitteilungen der Kommission für alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 1983, 283–368.
(39.) Cf. G. Klaffenbach, Bemerkungen zur griechischen Urkundenwesen (Sitz. Akad. Berlin, Kl. f. Sprachen, (1960. 6).