Summary and Keywords
Panskoye I is one of the most prominent and best-studied settlements in the rural territory of Chersonesus on the Tarkhankut Peninsula (north-western Crimea). Founded in the late 5th century bce as a fortified outpost (tetrapyrgia) protecting the south-eastern frontiers of Olbian territory, around 360 bce it was subjugated to Tauric Chersonesus, a close relationship which it maintained until the settlement’s catastrophic destruction around 270 bce. In 1969–1994, a significant part of the settlement and associated necropolis were investigated by the Tarkhankut Archaeological Expedition of the Leningrad Institute of Archaeology, Academy of Sciences of the USSR (since 1991, Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg). The settlement’s stratigraphy and size, as well as its unique structure and layout, representing an agglomeration of compactly placed free-standing farmsteads, adjoining house blocks, and monumental buildings accommodating more than one household, distinguish it from other rural settlements in the area. Its rich and original material culture shows a remarkable intermingling of various cultural components, both Greek and non-Greek.
Panskoye I is one of the most prominent and best-studied rural settlements in the distant chora of Tauric Chersonesus on the Tarkhankut Peninsula, north-western Crimea. The settlement and associated necropolis are situated on the coast of Yarylgach Bay, where they occupy a small promontory separating the eponymous Lake Panskoye from the salt lakes of Maloye Solenoye and Dzharylgach (45.552725°N, 32.813347°E) (Fig. 1).
Discovered in 1964, the settlement was systematically investigated between 1969 and 1994 by the Tarkhankut Archaeological Expedition of the Leningrad Institute of Archaeology, Academy of Sciences of the USSR (since 1991, Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences), headed by Alexander N. Ščeglov (1969–1986) and Vladimir F. Stolba (1987–1994).1 Emerging in the late 5th century bce as a fortified outpost (tetrapyrgia) protecting the south-eastern frontiers of the Olbian polis, in the first half of the 4th century the settlement fell under the jurisdiction of Chersonesus, with which it remained connected until its dramatic destruction in the early 3rd century bce. Its stratigraphy and chronology, as well as its size and layout, distinguish Panskoye I among other rural settlements of both Chersonesus and the entire northern Black Sea region. The settlement’s considerable remoteness from urban centres, the character of its residential buildings, and the presence of an extensive necropolis containing numerous family burials leave no doubt that the bulk of its population resided here all year round. The rich and original material culture of the settlement shows a remarkable intermingling of different cultural components, both Greek and local non-Greek.
Geographical and Archaeological Settings
The north-western part of Tarkhankut, like most of the peninsula, represents an elevated plain, dissected by numerous deep ravines. The modern landscape is dominated by steppe and semi-desert vegetation with a prevalence of long-vegetating xerophytic grasses and subshrubs. In the second half of the 4th century bce, the period of maximum expansion of the Chersonesean territory, the peninsula’s vegetation cover was more diverse and probably a forest-steppe community.2 Modern soils in the vicinity of the Panskoye I settlement and around lakes Panskoye and Dzharylgach are characterised by southern calcareous chernozems, which are fairly thin but on the whole fertile and suitable for cultivation. The absence of rivers and freshwater lakes makes the groundwater, which is often drawn from considerable depth, the main source of drinking water in the area. All West Crimean lakes are of lagoon origin, representing the submerged mouths of deep coastal ravines. At the time of the settlement’s foundation, Lake Dzharylgach had already been completely isolated from the sea by a sandbar and was a shallow, heavily mineralised reservoir. Along with tectonic processes, intense coastal erosion has also led to significant changes in the coastline over the past 2,500 years.
In the immediate vicinity of Panskoye I, on the south-eastern and northern shores of the eponymous lake, are two other ancient settlements, known as Panskoye II and Panskoye III (Fig. 2), the latter of which was excavated in 1978. Dredging works in Lake Panskoye revealed remains of yet another submerged early Hellenistic farmhouse (Panskoye IV).3 Finally, 400 m south-east of Panskoye I, in a ploughed zone, remains of a small site dubbed Panskoye V were identified.4
The history of human habitation around Yarylgach Bay goes, however, as far back as the Neolithic. The remains of a site dating to this period (Yarylgach-North) have been found at a coastal cliff north-east of Panskoye I.5 Material of the Late Bronze Age and early medieval period is represented at the relatively large settlement of Yarylgach-East, located 800 m south-east of Panskoye I.6 Remains of Bronze Age habitation have also been identified in a number of other places south and north of Lake Dzharylgach.7 In addition to Yarylgach-East, medieval antiquities have also been recorded directly on the eastern outskirts of Panskoye I, where a single medieval burial of the Saltovo period has been unearthed. To the same era (7th–9th centuries ce) also belongs the medieval settlement of Yarylgach 2 (S10-022), discovered in 2010 on the western shore of Yarylgach Bay (Fig. 2).
Area and Structure of the Settlement
Unlike most of the rural settlements in the region, which are characterised by free-standing fortified and unfortified farmsteads, this settlement stands out as an agglomeration of both separate and collective farmsteads, as well as larger building complexes (Fig. 3).
About a dozen such building assemblages, located several metres to tens of metres apart, have been identified. Only two buildings, U13 and U14, are situated at some distance from the main nucleus, owing to the terrain. The total area of the settlement is slightly over 4 ha. Three large ash heaps, of which one was completely excavated, are the result of a thorough clearing of the settlement after the fire and destruction that befell it in the third quarter of the 4th century bce. North of the settlement lies an associated necropolis consisting of tumuli and flat graves scattered between the burial mounds.8
Stratigraphy and Chronology
Established in the last quarter of the 5th century bce as a fortified outpost of the Olbian polis, around 360 bce Panskoye I fell into political and economic dependency on Chersonesus, with which it maintained a close relationship until the settlement’s catastrophic destruction around 270 bce. The same destiny also befell other rural sites in the Chersonesean territory, as well as the chorai of other Greek centres of the northern Black Sea area, which were abandoned around this date. It has been suggested that the economic crises and major cultural transformations of the early 3rd century bce may have resulted from the combined effects of climate change and nomadic migrations in the region.9
In line with the settlement chronology, two main stratigraphic horizons have been distinguished in its cultural layers. Of these, only the upper Horizon A, to which belong completely excavated objects such as houses U6, U13 and U14, as well as Central Area U7 (the last building period) and the settlement of Panskoye III, has been investigated systematically. Surface finds suggest that the nearby settlement of Panskoye II also belongs to the same period. The layers of Horizon B, which consists of sub-horizons B1 and B2, corresponding to the early phase of Chersonesean presence and the period of the Olbian fortress, respectively, are still insufficiently studied. They are so far recorded only in the settlement’s central Area U710 and under the ash heap south-east of it, as well as under the foundations of Chersonesean buildings in Area U2.
Occasional finds of pottery of the late 3rd century bce suggest that at this time occupation at Panskoye I, as at some other rural sites in western Crimea, was briefly revived.11 However, no architectural remains or intact archaeological strata of the post-270 bce period have as yet been discovered.
In the course of archaeological work at the settlement, several building assemblages were excavated in their entirety. Notable among them is Monumental Building U6 (Fig. 4),12 the construction and use of which are associated exclusively with the Chersonesean phase of the settlement.
This is a two-storey, square-plan building measuring 34.5 × 34.5 m, with a total area of approximately 1,190 sq. m. Its nearly three dozen rooms are arranged in one or two rows around an extensive courtyard, in the centre of which a rock-cut well is situated. Living units occupied the south-western part of the building; it is from these units that the bulk of graffiti with owner’s marks originate. One of the rooms along the building’s north-western wall (Room 3) contained thirty-seven transport amphorae which were apparently stored on the second floor. Given that painted inscriptions and graffiti on these jars contain the names of at least three different owners, this room must have served as a collective storage area.13 Collective use is also likely for a number of other rooms. The graffito damós(ion) on the underside of a large black-glazed plate found in the courtyard next to Room 5 indicates that here, possibly also on the second floor, a room for public feasts might have been situated.14
Central Area U7 (Fig. 5), which adjoins Building U6 on the north-west, forms the settlement’s ancient core, with the well-preserved remains of a quadrangular Olbian fort measuring 42.5 × 42.5 m and reinforced at the corners by four round towers (Fig. 6).
After the fire and destruction in the second quarter of the 4th century bce, apparently caused by a Chersonesean siege, the Olbian fort lost its defensive function and new buildings were constructed over its remains. Developing in a south-westerly direction, towards the lake, subsequent Chersonesean constructions in Area U7 covered an area almost twice the size of the early Olbian fortress. Adjacent to one another, these buildings represent sixteen different households arranged around collective courtyards (Fig. 7).
The strata of this area’s upper stratigraphic horizon (A) have been completely investigated. The layers of sub-horizon B1 were investigated near Tower III. Here, under the ash heap, the remains of an adjoining building outside the tower and defensive wall, dating from about 360–340 bce, have been unearthed. Associated finds included Chersonesean bronze coins and a fragment of a Greek pottery inscription written in the Doric dialect.15 This extramural building offers thus far the earliest evidence of Chersonesean presence both at Panskoye I and in all of north-western Crimea.16 Fully investigated, yet still unpublished, remain two single-period Chersonesean farmsteads, U13 and U14, situated to the north-west of U7 and partially destroyed by lake erosion. A number of building assemblages of Horizon A remain only partially excavated. These include Area U2 on the settlement’s north-eastern edge, where the excavations of 1987–1994 revealed a group of uniform houses of approximately 260 sq. m, each forming a single complex.17
Situated 150 m north of the settlement, the necropolis of Panskoye I consists of more than sixty tumuli grouped into clusters, with a number of flat graves in between (Fig. 8). Unlike the settlement, which was discovered only in 1967, it appears on Russian military maps as early as 1837. Its total area is slightly less than 4 ha, of which about a third has been investigated, including thirty-three tumuli and about sixty flat-grave burials.18 Containing between one and five burials, and in exceptional cases up to seven interments, the tumuli served as family plots.
By far the most common method of burial used in the necropolis was inhumation. The grave structures and burial rites, the closest parallels for which come from Olbia and its surrounding regions, as well as from the city of Chersonesus and indigenous sites beyond it, lend support to the heterogeneous character of the Panskoye population. In 1990–1994, the unexcavated part of the necropolis was badly looted by grave robbers.
Based on the changes observable in burial rites, types of burial structures, and use of building materials, three main periods can be distinguished in the history of the necropolis: Period I, c. 410—c. 390/380 bce; Period II, c. 390/380—c. 330/320 bce; and Period III, c. 330/320—c. 270 bce. The vast majority of the excavated burials belong to the first two periods. Later burials of the Chersonesean period are much more poorly represented, perhaps because they are concentrated in the yet unexcavated part of the cemetery.
The construction of the tombs varies significantly. The main types include fossa graves or simple pits in the earth, catacombs and niche graves, above-ground cists constructed of mud brick or stone, and enchytrismoi of neonates. The base of a burial mound was supported by a low circular wall constructed of stones. On the south-west side of many tumuli, at the stone wall, one to three stone offering tables with cup-shaped depressions and drains were set up (Fig. 9).
Along with single interments, multiple burials were common in Panskoye. Of all excavated graves about 15 percent contained two to four skeletons (Fig. 11).
Such a high percentage of multiple burials is unparalleled in the urban necropoleis of the Black Sea area but can be seen at some rural sites in the region. Most of the burials are supine, although a substantial group of contracted burials, which make up over 18 percent of excavated graves and occur in both the tumuli and flat graves of the necropolis, have also been recorded. In the Crimea, the only indigenous tribe that still practiced this rite in the Classical period, and thus may be a likely source for similar customs observed at Panskoye, is that of the Taurians associated with the Kizil-Koba Culture. Virtually all of the Panskoye contracted burials that could be sexed belonged to women. In several cases, multiple burials contained a combination of supine male and contracted female skeletons, which, in combination with other signs of non-Greek presence at the settlement, can be considered evidence of intermarriage.20
A north-eastern orientation of the skeletons predominates. Grave goods or kterismata were found in nearly every second grave. Most of the grave offerings consisted of imported objects, and the composition of the funerary assemblages is in most cases very consistent. It includes vessels for wine/water (amphorae and drinking cups) and containers for scented oil. Among the wine jars, products of Black Sea workshops are predominant. A number of fineware pottery shapes, including kraters, olpai, askoi, fish-plates, and plates, never appear inside the tombs of Panskoye, being characteristic exclusively of the ritual deposits found in the cemetery. Male burials are sometimes accompanied by weapons (arrows, spears) and occasionally by strigils. Female burials contain mirrors, needles, and spindle whorls, as well as personal adornments.
Estimated Population Size
Based on computed life expectancies and mortality patterns for the Panskoye necropolis population which assume a closed and stationary population—one without noticeable migration flows and a zero rate of natural growth—the entire population of the settlement has been estimated to be between 100 and 150 persons.21
Main Economic Activities
The settlement’s economy was largely based on agriculture and above all on grain production. The roles of viticulture and horticulture seem to have been less prominent, especially as compared to the Chersonesean home chora on the Herakleian peninsula. Zooarchaeological data supplemented by numerous finds of spindle whorls point to intensive livestock raising, and particularly sheep breeding, which makes it possible to characterise the local economy as agro-pastoral rather than purely agrarian. In contrast to farming, local fishing activities were aimed primarily at the domestic market and personal consumption. Hunting is also in evidence, but its economic role was insignificant. Local ceramic production is represented exclusively by rough handmade pottery in which indigenous types are by far predominant.
As on the Herakleian peninsula, the land around Panskoye I was organised in a system of standard rectangular plots of 20–21 ha (682±2 m by 315–320 m), the remains of which are distinguishable on satellite images and archival aerial photographs to the south of Lake Panskoye (Fig. 1).22 Only in rare cases, however, can these traces be identified on the ground, as the earthen division walls are easily obliterated by modern tillage.
As in the rest of the Tarkhankut Peninsula, cereals were the main crops cultivated in the 4th to early 3rd centuries bce around Yarylgach Bay. The pollen of crop cereals is attested in the bottom sediments of Lake Dzharylgach for both the Subboreal and the Sub-Atlantic.23 Along with traditional soft wheat (Triticum aestivo-compactum) and barley (Hordeum vulgare), rye (Secale sp.) becomes a crop in the early 3rd century bce.24 In two major finds of charred grains from Building U6, rye amounted to 73.2 and 81.9 percent of the total, the remaining 26.8 and 18.1 percent, respectively, represented by wheat.25 Besides Panskoye, rye is also attested at a number of other early Hellenistic rural sites in north-western Crimea (Masliny, farmhouse at the Vetrenaya Bay, Belyaus,26 and Kelsheikh 127). Chersonesean peasants seem to owe their acquaintance with Secale to the Scythian tribes of the forest-steppe and steppe zones, whence the earliest finds of cultivated rye originate.28 These changes in crop composition occurred at the moment when Chersonesus entered a period of deep and protracted economic crisis that struck most of the Black Sea region.29
Other crops attested by paleobotanical remains at Panskoye I are bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia) and lentils (Lens culinaris), as well as millet (Panicum miliaceum),30 which is known for its drought resistance and short ripening period.31 Local viticulture is in evidence already in the early 4th century bce.32 Yet, in contrast to the Herakleian peninsula and the southern coast of Tarkhankut,33 there are thus far no signs of specialised winemaking on the site.
Public storage spaces that could have served the needs of the entire settlement remain unknown. Smaller collective storage areas serving several families and containing a significant stock of goods stored in transport amphorae were found in Building U6 (see section ‘Investigated structures’). Bell-shaped or pear-shaped pits (siroí) dug directly into the ground either inside or outside the houses were the most common type of container for the storage of grain. A cluster of seven such pits dating to the second half of the 4th century was discovered on the settlement’s eastern periphery, under the foundations of building complex U2. Finds of pithoi are very rare. Instead, wine jars are often found re-used for the storage of solids as well.34 For their more convenient and stable installation on the floor of a room, the toes of these amphorae are often deliberately broken off.
Judging by zooarchaeological data retrieved from Building U635 and Central Area U7, as well as from the necropolis, livestock included pigs, horses, and cattle. The core of the settlement’s faunal assemblage is represented, however, by sheep and goats. In the later periods, too, and up to the modern day, sheep breeding has remained an important component of the Tarkhankut peninsula’s economy. Travellers in the 18th and 19th centuries invariably noted the outstanding quality of the fleece of local sheep, which is unparalleled elsewhere in Crimea.
Imports of pottery from Olbia and Chersonesus, as well as overseas, did not fully cover the local peasantry’s needs for table and kitchen ware. A significant proportion of the pottery assemblages of sites in the rural territory of Chersonesus, including Panskoye I, is made up of handmade pottery, the bulk of which was obviously produced locally. Traces of such ceramic production have been identified in Building U6.36 The vast majority of this pottery is modelled by hand, and only some vessels show the employment of a primitive, slow-rotating potter’s wheel at the finishing stage.37
Trade and Exchange
The settlement’s extremely favourable geographical position predetermined its significance as an important coastal harbour and trading centre, which is also evidenced by numerous finds of imported goods, lead weights, and coins, including finds of foreign currency.
In terms of both its composition and intensity, the import market was not consistent, with purchases of large, medium, and small consignments being recorded.38 Products transported in amphorae (wine and olive oil) were imported from both the Crimea and overseas, including centres such as Chersonesus, Herakleia Pontike, Amastris, Sinope, Mende, Thasos, Chios, Kolophon, and others, some of which also supplied a wide assortment of pottery. After the transition of north-western Crimea to the jurisdiction of Chersonesus, Chersonesean imports markedly outnumber the local finds. Also significant is the proportion of Attic black-glazed pottery and its imitations, as well as the so-called grey ware39 produced in Olbia and other Pontic centers, including Chersonesus. A large part of the overseas imports is unlikely to have come to the site directly, but rather through regional trading hubs, such as Chersonesus, Olbia, or Kerkinitis.
Along with the barter trade, some exchange operations at the settlement definitely took place in the form of cash transactions. The monetization of the local rural market occurred simultaneously with the Chersonesean conquest of western Crimea. The excavations and chance finds at the settlement of Panskoye I yielded a representative numismatic collection,40 more than 70 percent of which is made up of coins of Chersonesus. Along with them, in the second half of the 4th century bce the coin circulation of the Chersonesean distant chora was also served by bronze coins of Kerkinitis and Pantikapaion, attested at many settlements. Other foreign finds from Panskoye I are represented by single bronze coins of Istros, Olbia, and Thessalian Larissa,41 which testify to the settlement’s direct or indirect connections with these centres.
Types of Transactions Attested
The comparative analysis of owners’ marks and commercial marks on amphorae from Building U6 suggests that one of the types of commercial transactions in the local wine trade was sale on delivery.42 Whether this form of transaction also covered other types of goods remains unknown.
Religion and Culture
Predictably, the cults of agricultural gods, and, in the second phase of the settlement, also the cult of Heracles, patron and protector of the Chersonesean territory, were most prominent among the Panskoye population. However, despite the settlement’s impressive area and population size, no common cultic complex that would have served the needs of the entire community has yet been identified. An important role was played by house sanctuaries, the most prominent of which, discovered in the south-western corner of Building U6, was dedicated to Demeter and Sabazius.43 The dedicatory inscription hierà Sabazíou incised on the wall of an Attic cup-skyphos found in this complex44 offers the earliest evidence of the cult of Sabazius in the Black Sea region (Fig. 12).
The same part of the building also accommodated a sanctuary of Heracles where, in addition to a stone altar, a limestone relief representing the standing hero with club and lion skin was discovered (Fig. 13).45
Varying in style and quality, reliefs depicting Heracles in reclining or standing position are typical of the Chersonesean distant chora, where they are recorded at a number of sites. The dedications from Panskoye I indicate that the hero was worshipped here with the cultic name Soter (Fig. 14).46 Among other deities, the cult of Aphrodite is attested by terracottas (Fig. 15) and ceramic inscriptions.47
The finds from the necropolis bear testimony to religious superstitions such as the evil eye belief48 and, of course, the cult of the dead. A 4th-century bce ceramic letter in Greek from the settlement mentions a cenotaph (pseudarion) with a request to make on it offerings to the Moirai.49 From the second half of the 4th century, local inscriptions bear clear signs of a Doric dialect. The rich epigraphic archive, including private letters, dedications, and numerical and commercial inscriptions, as well as owners’ marks,50 attests to a fairly high level of literacy among the Panskoye population.
Discussion of the Literature
From 1970 onwards, brief information about the Tarkhankut Expedition’s work on the settlement and necropolis was published annually in the series Archeologičeskie Otkrytija (Moscow). The first result of the excavations in the Monumental Building U6 are summarised in Ščeglov’s monograph Polis i chora (Ščeglov, 1976), the French revised edition of which (Chtcheglov, 1992) also briefly presents the materials from the excavations of the 1980s in other parts of the settlement. The settlement and necropolis are given prominence in Ščeglov’s seminal work Severo-Zapadnyj Krym v antičnuju epochu (Ščeglov, 1978). A useful synthesis is also presented in a number of his summary articles (Ščeglov, 1985; 1987). Various aspects of the settlement’s life and culture based on new data and research have been analysed in detail by Stolba (Stolba, 2012; 2014), who has also published the extramural house of 1987 (Stolba, 1991), some epigraphic and numismatic finds (Stolba, 1989; 2005; Gilevič, Stolba, and Ščeglov, 1991), and materials from the necropolis (Stolba, 2007; 2009). Religious life at the settlement is touched upon in several articles by Stolba, Hannestad, and Gilevič.51 Hannestad has also re-examined the main groups of archaeological evidence for the chronology of Building U6 (Hannestad, 2005). A useful overview of paleobotanical finds from Building U6 and Central Area U7 can be found in Ščeglov et al. (1989) and Pashkevich (2001). Among various groups of finds from the settlement and necropolis, however, pottery was the primary focus of the preliminary publications. Transport amphorae from Building U6 were published by Kac and Monachov.52 The analysis of some classes of pottery and pottery assemblages from the necropolis was undertaken by Monachov, Rogov, and Tunkina.53 Local mortuary practices and specific types of burial structures, as well as the paleodemography and chronology of the necropolis, have also been addressed in several studies by Rogov.54 On the burial rites of the Panskoye necropolis, see also Stolba (2011).
Since 2002, the results of archaeological work at Panskoye have been presented in detail in the series Archaeological Investigations in Western Crimea, published by Aarhus University Press. The two volumes that have appeared thus far are devoted to the Monumental Building U6 (Hannestad, Stolba and Ščeglov, 2002) and the necropolis (Stolba and Rogov, 2012). The results of archaeological surveys of 2007–2008 carried out in the vicinity of Panskoye I by the Džarylgač Survey Project are available now in Bilde et al. (2012). On the preliminary results of 2010–2013 works conducted in the same area by the Western Crimean Archaeological Project, see reports by Stolba et al.55
Chtcheglov [Ščeglov], Alexander. Polis et chora: Cité et territoire dans le Pont-Euxin. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1992.Find this resource:
Hannestad, Lise. “The Dating of the Monumental Building U6 at Panskoe I.” In Chronologies of the Black Sea Area in the Period c. 400–100 BC. Edited by Vladimir F. Stolba and Lise Hannestad, 179–192. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2005.Find this resource:
Hannestad, Lise, Vladimir F. Stolba, and Alexander N. Ščeglov, eds. Panskoye I, Vol. 1: The Monumental Building U6. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2002.Find this resource:
Pashkevich, Galina A. “Archaeobotanical Studies on the Northern Coast of the Black Sea.” Eurasia Antiqua 7 (2001).Find this resource:
Ščeglov, Alexander N. Polis i chora. Simferopol: Tavrija, 1976.Find this resource:
Ščeglov, Alexander N. Severo-Zapadnyj Krym v antičnuju epochu. Leningrad: Nauka, 1978.Find this resource:
Ščeglov, Alexander N. “25 let rabot Tarchankutskoj ekspedicii: Itogi i perspektivy.” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 182 (1985): 3–7.Find this resource:
Ščeglov, Alexander N. “Un établissement rural en Crimée: Panskoje I (fouilles de 1969–1985).” Dialogues d’histoire ancienne 13 (1987): 239–273.Find this resource:
Ščeglov, Alexander N., Kuz’minova, N. N., Januševič, Z. V., and Čavčavadze, E. S. “Zemledelie na poselenii Panskoe I (Severo-Zapadnyj Krym) v IV – načale III v. do n.e.” In Flora i rastitel’nost’, 50–69. Botaničeskie issledovanija 5. Kišinev: Štiinca, 1989.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “A New Dedication from the North-Western Crimea and Aspects of the Herakles Cult in the Chersonesean State.” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 4 (1989): 55–70.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “Dom IV v. do n.e. na poselenii Panskoe I: raskopki 1987 g.” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 204 (1991): 78–84.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “Monetary Crises in the Early Hellenistic Poleis of Olbia, Chersonesos and Pantikapaion: A Re-assessment.” In XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática (Madrid, 2003), Actas. Edited by Carmen Alfaro, Carmen Marcos, and Paloma Otero, 395–403. Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 2005.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “The Oath of Chersonesos and the Chersonesean Economy in the Early Hellenistic Period.” In Making, Moving and Managing: The New World of Ancient Economies, 323–31 BC. Edited by Archibald, Zofia G., Davies, John K., and Gabrielsen, Voincent, 298–321. Oxford: Oxbow, 2005.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “Cowrie and Other Charms from the Panskoe I Necropolis.” In Bosporskij fenomen: Sakral’nyj smysl regiona, pamjatnikov, nachodok. Vol. 2. Edited by Vadim Ju Zuev et al., 157–162, 382–383. St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2007.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “Beads, Pendants and Charms: The Evil Eye Belief among the Greek and Indigenous Population of Taurica.” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 2 (2009): 109–128.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “Multicultural Encounters in the Greek Countryside: Evidence from the Panskoye I Necropolis, Western Crimea.” In Pontika 2008: Recent Research on the Northern and Eastern Black Sea in Ancient Times. Edited by Ewdoksia Papuci-Władyka et al., 329–340. BAR Intern. Ser. 2240. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. “La vie rurale en Crimée antique: Panskoye et ses environs.” Études de Lettres 1–2 (2012): 311–364.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F. Greek Countryside in Ancient Crimea: Chersonesean Chora in the Late Classical to Early Hellenistic Period. Aarhus: Faculty of Arts, Aarhus University, 2014.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F., and Jens Andresen. “Unveiling the Hinterland: A New Type of Hellenistic Rural Settlement in Crimea.” Antiquity 89.344 (2015): 345–360.Find this resource:
Stolba, Vladimir F., and Eugeny Rogov. Panskoye I, Vol. 2: The Necropolis. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2012.Find this resource:
(1.) Alexander N. Ščeglov, Severo- Zapadnyj Krym v antičnuju epochu (Leningrad: Nauka, 1978), 46–49, 80–82; Alexander N. Ščeglov, “25 let rabot Tarchankutskoj ekspedicii: Itogi i perspektivy,” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 182 (1985): 3–7; Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Un établissement rural en Crimée: Panskoje I (fouilles de 1969–1985),” Dialogues d’histoire ancienne 13 (1987): 239–257; Alexander N. Ščeglov [Chtcheglov], Polis et chora: Cité et territoire dans le Pont-Euxin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1992); Vladimir F. Stolba, “Dom IV v. do n.e. na poselenii Panskoe I: raskopki 1987 g,” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 204 (1991): 78–84; Lise Hannestad, Vladimir F. Stolba, and Alexander N. Ščeglov, eds., Panskoye I, Vol. 1: The Monumental Building U6 (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2002), 23–24, 32–33.
(2.) Ščeglov, Severo-Zapadnyj Krym, 24–25; Ščeglov, “Introduction,” in, Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 21; Alexander N. Ščeglov, N. N. Kuz’minova, Z. V. Januševič, and E. S. Čavčavadze, “Zemledelie na poselenii Panskoe I (Severo-Zapadnyj Krym) v IV – načale III v. do n.e.,” in Flora i rastitel’nost’ (Botaničeskie issledovanija 5; Kišinev: Štiinca, 1989), 65; Zoja V. Januševič and Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Palaeoethnobotanical material,” in Hannestad et al., Panskoye I, Vol. 1, 329–330.
(3.) Nikolai S. Blagovolin and Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Archaeological, Paleogeographic, and Geomorphological Researches in the Lake Sasyk (Panskoye) Region,” in Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 293–294, 298.
(4.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “La vie rurale en Crimée antique: Panskoe et ses environs,” Études de Lettres 1–2 (2012): 315.
(5.) Blagovolin and Ščeglov, “Archaeological, Paleogeographic, and Geomorphological Researches,” 287, pl. 180.
(7.) Pia G. Bilde, P. Attema, S. B. Lancov, T. N. Smekalova, V. F. Stolba, T. de Haas, S. Handberg, and K. W. Jacobsen, “Džarylgač Survey Project (DSP): The Results of Campaign of 2007,” in Bosporskij fenomen, Part 2, ed. Vadim Ju. Zuev (St. Petersburg: The State Hermitage Museum Press, 2007),107–118; Pia G. Bilde, Peter A. J. Attema, and Kristina Winther-Jacobsen, eds., The Džarylgač Survey Project (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2012); Tatiana N. Smekalova and Vladimir F. Stolba, Materials for the Archaeological Map of Crimea, I: Monuments of the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age on the Tarkhankut Peninsula: Preliminary Report (Simferopol: Dolja, 2009), 30–31, figs. 9–10.
(8.) Vladimir F. Stolba and Eugeny Rogov, Panskoye I, Vol. 2: The Necropolis (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2012).
(9.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “Monetary Crises in the Early Hellenistic Poleis of Olbia, Chersonesos and Pantikapaion: A Re-assessment,” in XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática (Madrid, 2003): Actas, eds. Carmen Alfaro et al. (Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 2005), 395–403; Vladimir F. Stolba, “The Oath of Chersonesos and the Chersonesean Economy in the Early Hellenistic Period,” in Making, Moving and Managing: The New World of Ancient Economies, 323–31 BC, eds. Zofia G. Archibald et al. (Oxford: Oxbow, 2006), 298–321.
(11.) Lise Hannestad, Vladimir F. Stolba, and Helene B. Hastrup, “Black-Glazed, Red-Figure and Grey Ware Pottery,” in Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 129–130; Lise Hannestad, “The Dating of the Monumental Building U6 at Panskoe I,” in Chronologies of the Black Sea Area in the Period c. 400–100 BC, eds. Vladimir F. Stolba and Lise Hannestad (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2005), 191.
(12.) Hannestad et al., Panskoye I, Vol. 1.
(13.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “Graffiti and Dipinti,” in Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 231.
(15.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “A Greek Private Letter from the Settlement of Panskoye I (North-western Crimea),” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 4 (2005): 76–87; Bull. ép. 2006, 295; SEG LV 859.
(16.) Stolba, “Dom IV v. do n.e. na poselenii Panskoe I,” 78–84.
(17.) Vladimir F. Stolba, Lise Hannestad, and Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Raskopki poselenija Panskoe I v Krymu,” in Izučenie kul’turnych vzaimodejstvij i novye archeologičeskie otkrytija , ed. Vadim M. Masson (St. Petersburg: IIMK RAN, 1995), 50–53, fig. 4.1; Alexander N. Ščeglov, Lise Hannestad, and Vladimir F. Stolba, “Raboty rossijsko-datskoj Tarchankutskoj ekspedicii v Krymu,” in Archeologičeskie otrkytija 1994 goda (Moscow: Nauka, 1995), 335–337; A. N. Ščeglov, L. Hannestad, S. V. Kašaev, L. B. Kirčo, J. Sørensen, V. F. Stolba, and H. Hastrup, “Rossijsko-datskie raskopki na poselenii i nekropole Panskoe I,” Archeologiceskie Vesti 4 (1995): 289–290.
(18.) See in detail Stolba and Rogov, Panskoye I, Vol. 2: The Necropolis.
(19.) On this specific type of grave markers see also Richard Posamentir, Chersonesean Studies 1: The Polychrome Grave Stelai from the Early Hellenistic Necropolis (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), chap. 8.
(20.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “Multicultural Encounters in the Greek Countryside: Evidence from the Panskoye I Necropolis, Western Crimea,” in Pontika 2008: Recent Research on the Northern and Eastern Black Sea in Ancient Times, eds. Eudoksia Papuci-Władyka et al. (BAR International Series 2240; Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011), 329–334.
(21.) Stolba and Rogov, Panskoye I, Vol. 2, 55; Vladimir F. Stolba, Greek Countryside in Ancient Crimea: Chersonesean Chora in the Late Classical to Early Hellenistic Period (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2014), 31.
(23.) Tatiana V. Sapelko, Dmitrij A. Subetto, and Vladimir F. Stolba, “Vlijanie rel’efa na razvitie rastitel’nogo pokrova Kryma v golocene,” in Otečestvennaja geomorfologija: Prošloe, nastojaščee, buduščee; Materialy XXX Plenuma Geomorfologičeskoj komissii RAN (St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2008), 331.
(25.) Zoja V. Januševič, Kul’turnye rastenija Jugo-Zapada SSSR po paleobotaničeskim issledovanijam (Kišinev: Štiinca, 1976), 134–136; Ščeglov, Severo-Zapadnyj Krym, 104–105; Januševič and Ščeglov, “Palaeoethnobotanical material,” 327–329.
(26.) Olga D. Daševskaja, “Antičnaja bašnja na gorodišče Beljaus,” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 116 (1969): 89; Januševič, Kul’turnye rastenija Jugo-Zapada SSSR, 135–138; Zoja V. Januševič, Kul’turnye rastenija Severnogo Pričernomor’ja: Paleobotaničeskie issledovanija (Kišinev: Štiinca, 1986), 54; Ščeglov, Severo-Zapadnyj Krym, 104.
(27.) Vladimir F. Stolba and Jens Andresen. “Unveiling the Hinterland: A New Type of Hellenistic Rural Settlement in Crimea.” Antiquity 89.344 (2015): 353.
(28.) K. Wasylikowa, M. Cârciumaru, E. Hajnalová, B. P. Hartyányi, G. A. Pashkevich, and Z. V. Yanushevich, “East-Central Europe,” in Progress in Old World Palaeoethnobotany, eds. Willem van Zeist et al. (Rotterdam: Balkema, 1991), 231; Galina A. Pashkevich, “New Evidence for Plant Exploitation be the Scythian Tribes during the Early Iron Age in the Ukraine,” Acta Palaeobotanica Suppl. 2 (1999): 597–599.
(29.) Stolba, “Monetary Crises”; Stolba, “The Oath of Chersonesos”; Stolba, Greek Countryside in Ancient Crimea, 36, 57.
(30.) Ščeglov, Severo-Zapadnyj Krym, 106–107; Ščeglov et al., “Zemledelie na poselenii Panskoe I,” 57, 63; Januševič, Kul’turnye rastenija Severnogo Pričernomor’ja, 54; Januševič and Ščeglov, “Palaeoethnobotanical Material,” 329.
(31.) E.g., Philip M. Smith, “Minor Crops,” in Evolution of Crop Plants, ed. Normal W. Simmonds (London and New York: Longman, 1976), 308–309.
(32.) Ščeglov et al., “Zemledelie na poselenii Panskoe I,” 57, 63; Januševič and Ščeglov, “Palaeoethnobotanical Material,” 329.
(33.) Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Zemel’nyj nadel u mysa Ojrat,” in Istorija i kul’tura antičnogo mira, ed. Marija Kobylina (Moscow: Nauka, 1977), 210–215; Irina V. Jacenko, “Vinodel’nja na poselenii Čajka,” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 174 (1983): 18–25; Andrej B. Kolesnikov and Irina V. Jacenko, “Le territoire agricole de Chersonèse taurique dans la region de Kerkinitis,” in Territoires des cités grecques, ed. Michèle Brunet (BCH Suppl. 34; Paris: de Boccard, 1999), 311–317.
(34.) Januševič and Ščeglov, “Palaeoethnobotanical Material,” 327.
(35.) Aleksei K. Kasparov, “Osseous Remains,” in Panskoye I, Vol. 1, Hannestad et al., 332–333.
(36.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “Handmade Pottery,” in, Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 180, pl. 134.a.
(38.) V. I. Kac, S. Yu. Monachov, V. F. Stolba, and A. N. Ščeglov, “Tiles and Ceramic Containers,” in, Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 114–115, 118–119.
(39.) Søren Handberg, Vladimir F. Stolba, and Sergej V. Ušakov, “Classical and Hellenistic Grey Ware from the Western Crimea,” Pontica 42, Suppl. 1 (2009): 167–185.
(40.) Stolba, “La vie rurale,” 344.
(41.) Anna M. Gilevič, “Moneta Larissy iz poselenija Panskoe I,” in Drevnee Pričernomor’e: Tezisy dokladov (Odessa: Red.-Izdat. Otdel Oblastnogo Upravlenija po Pečati, 1989), 19–20; Anna M. Gilevič, Vladimir F. Stolba, and Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Nachodka monety Istrii v Severo-Zapadnom Krymu,” in Drevnee Pričernomor’e II. Čtenija pamjati professora P.O. Karyškovskogo (Odessa: Red.-Izdat. Otdel Oblastnogo Upravlenija po Pečati, 1991), 22–23.
(42.) Stolba, “Graffiti and Dipinti,” 237–241; Vladimir F. Stolba, “Local Patterns of Trade in Wine and the Chronological Implications of Amphora Stamps,” in The Black Sea in Antiquity. Regional and Interregional Economic Exchanges, ed. Vincent Gabrielsen and John Lund (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2007), 149–159.
(43.) Chtcheglov, Polis et chora, 173–175; Alexander N. Ščeglov, “Monumental Building U6,” in Panskoye I, Vol. 1, eds. Hannestad et al., 45–50.
(44.) Stolba, “Graffiti and Dipinti,” 229, H 2, pls. 150, 156.
(45.) Ščeglov, Severo-Zapadnyj Krym, 124, fig. 66.1; Ščeglov, “Cult Sculpture,” 213, 221, G 1, pl. 143; Ščeglov, “Monumental Building U6,” 51.
(46.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “A New Dedication from the North-Western Crimea and Aspects of the Herakles Cult in the Chersonesean State,” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 4 (1989): 55–70.
(47.) Stolba, “La vie rurale,” 348.
(48.) Vladimir F. Stolba, “Cowrie and Other Charms from the Panskoe I Necropolis,” in Bosporskij fenomen: Sakral’nyj smysl regiona, pamjatnikov, nachodok, Vol. 2, eds. Vadim Ju. Zuev et al. (St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2007), 157–162, 382–383; Vladimir F. Stolba, “Beads, Pendants and Charms: The Evil Eye Belief among the Greek and Indigenous Population of Taurica,” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 2 (2009): 109–128.
(49.) Stolba, “A Greek Private Letter,” 76–87; Bull. ép. 2006, 295; SEG LV 859.
(50.) Stolba, “A New Dedication from the North-Western Crimea”; Stolba, “Graffiti and Dipinti,” 228–244; Stolba, “A Greek Private Letter,” 76–87; Bull. ép. 2006, 295; SEG LV 859.
(51.) Stolba, “A New Dedication from the North-Western Crimea”; Anna M. Gilevič, “O kul’te Sabazija v Chersonese,” in Drevnij Vostok i antičnaja civilizacija (Leningrad: Nauka, 1989), 70–76; Lise Hannestad, “Korn og kult: To græske gudiner i Panskoye,” in Hvad fandt vi? En gravedagbog fra Institute for Klassisk Arkæologi, Aarhus Universitet, eds. Pia G. Bilde, Vinnie Nørskov and Poul Pedersen (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1999), 177–179; Lise Hannestad, “Gods and Agriculture: Evidence from an Agrarian Settlement in the North-Western Crimea,” in Ancient History Matters: Studies Presented to Jens Erik Skydsgaard on His Seventieth Birthday, eds. K. Ascani et al. (Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider, 2002), 143–151.
(52.) Vladimir I. Kaç and Sergej Ju. Monachov, “Amfory ellinističeskogo Chersonesa (s poselenija Panskoe I v Severo-Zapadnom Krymu),” Antičnyj Mir i Archeologija 3 (1977): 90–105.
(53.) Sergej Ju. Monachov and Evgenij Ja. Rogov, “Amfory iz nekropolja Panskoe I,” Antičnyj Mir i Archeologija 7 (1990): 128–153; Sergej Ju. Monachov and Evgenij Ja. Rogov, “Keramičeskie kompleksy nekropolja Panskoe I,” Antičnyj Mir i Archeologija 8 (1990): 122–151; Evgenij Ja. Rogov and Irina V. Tunkina, “Raspisnaja i černolakovaja keramika iz nekropolja Panskoe I,” Archeologičeskie Vesti 5 (1998): 159–175.
(54.) Evgenij Ja. Rogov, “Syrcovye konstrukcii v pogrebal’nych sooruženijach nekropolja Panskoe I,” Kratkie Soobščenija Instituta Archeologii 182 (1985): 45–50; Evgenij Ja. Rogov, “Ekologija Zapadnogo Kryma,” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 1 (1996): 70–84; Evgenij Ja. Rogov, Nekropol’ Panskoe I i ego mesto sredi nekropolej IV–III vv. do n.e. v Severnom Pričernomor’e (abstract of PhD thesis, St Petersburg, 1998).
(55.) Vladimir F. Stolba, Igor N. Chrapunov, Jens Andresen and Søren Handberg, “Poselenie Kel’šejch 1 na dal’nej chore Chersonesa,” in Archaeological Researches in Ukraine, 2011, ed. D. N. Kozak (Lutsk, Ukraine: Institut Archeologii NAN Ukrainy, 2012), 118–119; Vladimir F. Stolba, Jens Andresen, Fedor N. Lisetskij and Igor N. Chrapunov, “Razvedki v Černomorskom r-ne AR Krym,” in Archaeological Researches in Ukraine, 2012, ed. D. N. Kozak (Kiev and Lutsk: Institut Archaeologii NAN Ukrainy, 2013), 91–93; Vladimir F. Stolba, Jens Andresen, Fedor N. Lisetskij and Igor N. Chrapunov, “Issledovanija na poselenii Kel’šejch 1 (Severo-Zapadnyj Krym),” in Archaeological Researches in Ukraine, 2012, ed. D. N. Kozak (Kiev and Lutsk: Institut Archeologii NAN Ukrainy, 2013), 111–113; Igor N. Chrapunov, Vladimir F. Stolba, Tatiana N. Smekalova, Jens Andresen, Felix Riede and Søren Handberg, “Razvedki na Tarchankutskom poluostrove,” in Archaeological Researches in Ukraine, ed. D. N. Kozak, 2011, 143–144; Stolba and Andresen, “Unveiling the Hinterland,” 345–360.